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  • Top Tourist Experiences in Tanzania

    https://harbourtimes.com/2022/10/17/top-tourist-experiences-in-tanzania/

    As COVID-19 restrictions begin to loosen, one can hardly blame a travel-starved Hong Konger for wanting to hop on a plane right away and see the world. But while most will travel to popular destinations like Japan, Korea, the United States and Britain, the wide world offers many more possibilities. Read on for exiting tips for top tourist experiences in Tanzania


    After years of staycations, why not explore somewhere new and uncharted –

    Why not kick-start your new holiday season with amazing experiences in Tanzania?

    Exploring Tanzania will open your eyes to the magnificent African continent. Tanzania not only offers national parks with safaris full of unique wildlife, it also has numerous landscapes that will take your breath away like the snow-capped peaks of famous Mount Kilimanjaro.

    However, for those wanting to relax, the pristine beaches of Tanzania are a pleasant alternative. The country also offers historical towns with outstanding architecture, reflecting a past that has helped shape the country’s society.

    Aside from the tourist spots, you should also enjoy the local culture and cuisine. It goes along with the overall experience of exploring Tanzania.

    Check out the following top tourist experiences in Tanzania for a unique time:

    Stone Town

    Image via Richard Mortel (Wikimedia)

    Stone Town is a must-stop in the heart of Zanzibar. Plenty of landmarks here have been restored as museums and tourist attractions, welcoming visitors from all over the world.

    Explore the 19th Century Arabian homes standing in the narrow streets and alleys. Pay close attention to the fascinating, intricate designs of the carved wooden doors which reflect Zanzibar’s history of being a prominent Swahili trading town in the Indian Ocean.

    And don’t miss the old churches such as Christ Church, the Anglican Cathedral. Built in 1873, the 150-year-old church is considered a classic example of East African Christian architecture.

    Take a stroll along Creek Road, where you can find City Hall and the famous Darajani Market. Major highlights are Forodhani Gardens, the Old Dispensary, the former sultans’ home, and the People’s Palace.

    Selous Game Reserve

    Image via Panii (Wikimedia)

    Selous is the largest game reserve in Africa. Located in south Tanzania and taking up a whooping 5% of the country, the reserve has been protecting the nation’s unique wildlife since 1922. There are over 350 recorded species with antelopes, giraffes, lions, leopards, elephants, hippos, rhinos and more. The river, which cuts the reserve in half, is the best spot to see water-based wildlife.

    Unfortunately, while visitors can’t go to the southern part as it’s heavily forested and has dangerous cliffs, travellers can explore the north side of the Rufiji River, where you can see open grassland, rivers, hills, and plains. Between July and October, the summer weather makes the experience better.

    Arusha National Park 

    While small by country park standards at 137km2 , (Hong Kong has 443 km2  of parkland!) Arusha National Park in Tanzania has a massive range of habitats, such as the forests of Mount Meru, the Ngurdoto Crater, and the Momella Lakes. You can imagine the diversity these specific spots offer to African wildlife!

    Check out the black and white Colobus monkeys in the forested area while also seeing buffaloes, zebras, and warthogs near the bodies of water. The Momella Lakes offer an array of bird species, and most visitors will also take a climb up Mount Meru, one of the most beautiful volcanoes in Africa.

    The stunning views from the summit will be worth the difficult climbing experience. Although the ascent is steep, you can see the forest, moorland, and parkland.

    Ruaha National Park 

    Ruaha National Park is the largest national park in Tanzania. It protects herds of buffaloes and gazelles and has one of the highest concentrations of elephants in the nation. Also, take photos of the gorges, trees, and the fascinating landscape.

    The Great Ruaha River offers incredible wildlife viewing on its banks. The river is also relevant for local communities as they obtain electricity from the hydroelectric dam at Kidatu. If you’re into birdwatching, you can see over 400 bird species.

    Getting there: Tanzania eVisa

    With so many amazing spots, traveling to Tanzania seems like a dream. Start thinking about your plans in Tanzania and confirm the travel documents you need before your trip. Luckily, residents of Hong Kong holding an HKSAR passport do not need a visa to visit Tanzania for up to 90 days. However for a longer stay, and for  other nationalities including British and Chinese passport holders must apply for a [Tanzania eVisa]. All visitors must also prove that they have been vaccinated for COVID-19. Simplify your visa application process through iVisa.com.

    iVisa.com can process your tourism, volunteer work, or transit visa. Gather the requirements, provide your basic details, and leave the rest to the experts. It will only take you 15 minutes to complete the online form and acquire your digital documentation. An eVisa is valid for up to 3 months and allows a single entry to Tanzania.

    These points of entry accept this type of visa: Julius Nyerere International Airport (JNIA), Kilimanjaro International Airport (KIA), Abeid Amani Karume International Airport (AAKIA), Namanga land border, or the Tunduma land border.

    Travel to Tanzania and enjoy amazing sites!

    I-VISA with additional reporting by Cyril Ma

  • The false equivalency between the stormings of Hong Kong’s LegCo and the US Capitol

    Why pairing the 2019 incident at Hong Kong’s Legislative Council with Wednesday’s attack on the US Capitol is a misguided comparison.

    Photo by Andy Feliciotti on Unsplash.


    Some clarification is in order in light of commentators from the English and Chinese media drawing parallels between the 2019 storming of HK’s Legislative Council and Wednesday’s insurrection at the US Capitol.

    While these incidents may seem strikingly similar at face value, equating what happened in LegCo to the actions of the Trump supporters who broke into the Capitol undermines the underlying complexities of each situation.

    There are many differences worth discussing that set the protests in HK and the US apart, but to tackle one major conflation:

    Protesting against the US’ political system vs. HK’s

    To describe the scenarios at LegCo and the Capitol, as CNN correspondent Will Ripley has done, as both “marginalised” groups standing up to a government that they feel has failed them misses a fundamental difference between the two systems the groups rebelled against.

    The havoc at the US Capitol was caused by a group of people who objected to decisions ultimately made through a democratic system (although not perfect, the US is a democracy). In contrast, the perpetrators of the Legislative Council’s breach were pro-democracy advocates acting in dissent against a system controlled by an authoritarian regime.

    Wednesday’s event at the US Capitol, in which four people have died, came after President Donald Trump’s repeated false statements regarding the results of the 2020 presidential election, claiming that he had won and was a victim of election fraud. A large number of his supporters organised a protest at the US Capitol in response, which escalated into a riot and breach of the premises in an attempt to delay the affirmation of President-elect Joe Biden’s Electoral College win.

    On the other hand, the 2019 LegCo raid was a climactic moment that occurred nearly a month after the million-person march that demanded the removal of the anti-extradition law. This peaceful mass protest, along with several other demonstrations that occurred before July, received a response from the government that essentially dismissed their demands. The result of their response was an increase in the wide-spread negative sentiment towards the government, which arguably led to the events of 1 July. The storming of LegCo was violent and controversial, even amongst prominent opposition figures such as Martin Lee, but was part of a pro-democracy movement that stood in defiance of a non-democratic regime.

    In response to Ripley’s tweet, Yuen Chan, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Journalism at the City University of London, said his take “doesn’t help those of [his] colleagues in Hong Kong who are trying to cover the city with understanding and nuance.”

    Jerome Taylor, Hong Kong/Taiwan/Macau bureau chief for AFP, added that another “big difference is Hong Kong’s protesters stormed the legislature to halt a piece of legislation that was drawn up by their unelected leadership … The Capitol Hill storming was to try and overturn the results of a free and fair election.”

    This article has been edited for tone and clarity.

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  • Massive Protests May Do Little to Stop HK’s New Extradition Law

    In a historical march, more than 1 million Hong Kongers took to the streets yesterday to protest against the government’s extradition bill that would allow suspects to be sent to mainland China. Similar protests took place in 29 cities around the world in widespread shows of solidarity.

    The march that drew nearly one seventh of the city’s total population did not end until 10:20pm, and some protestors stayed overnight. Conflicts sparked between the protestors and the police in the evening, when pepper spray was used.

    Civil Human Rights Front, the organiser of the protest, said the turnout in Hong Kong was more than a million, while police claimed there were 153,000 protesters that passed through the gates at Victoria Park. However, many joined at the head in Tin Hau and along the way.

    More than a million people joined the march on Sunday, the highest turnout for a protest since Hong Kong’s return to China in 1997.

    The movement also spread to cities such as New York, San Francisco, Washington DC, Chicago, Vancouver, Toronto, Ottawa, London, Berlin, Tokyo, Taipei, Paris and Copenhagen. In Australia, nearly 5,000 took part in protests in Sydney, Canberra and Melbourne. Toronto’s event drew more than 2,000.

    Dubbed the “last fight for Hong Kong”, the protest took place before the extradition bill enters second reading directly at the Legislative Council (Legco) on Wednesday. Many see the bill as a threat to Hong Kong’s autonomy, as it could signal another step in what they see as ongoing dismantling of protections the international city provides its residents and visitors passing through Hong Kong.

    “When the gatekeeper for the extradition is a chief executive who is not elected by universal suffrage and has to answer to Beijing, you know it is not something based on reason, justification or political equality but more like a do-as-your-master-tells-you-to situation,” Olivia Lo, a 29 year-old protestor, told Harbour Times.

    The march on Sunday wad dubbed “the last fight for Hong Kong”.

    In an unprecedented move, the government, determined to pass the bill, opted to skip scrutiny at the committee level. The move came after the pro-government camp and the pro-democracy legislators each set up their own committees to scrutinize the bill, which failed to resolve their disputes and resulted in physical fights on May 11.

    Local political party Demosistō, which spouses self-determination for Hong Kong, demanded a dialogue with Chief Executive Carrie Lam and Secretary for Security John Lee Ka-chiu before the bill goes into second reading on Wednesday.

    The Hong Kong government remains determined to discuss the bill this week as scheduled.

    “We urge the Legislative Council to scrutinize the Bill in a calm, reasonable and respectful manner to help ensure Hong Kong remains a safe city for residents and business,” a government spokesperson said in a statement Sunday night.

    A new high after 2003

    Many compare the high turnout at the march on Sunday to the turnout to protests in 2003, when 500,000 people demonstrated against a national security law known as Article 23.

    The historical march led to the resignation of Hong Kong’s first Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa in 2005 and a halted legislating of the national security law. To date, no administration has made another attempt to bring the law into reality.

    It is not immediately clear what the protest on Sunday can achieve politically. While believing that things might not change, some protestors said it was still their civic duty to voice their opposition.

    “Our anxiety and anger were proven right because the second reading debate on the bill is still on schedule after a million people took to the street on Sunday. But we have to try and keep trying,” said Lo.

    “Things won’t change even if there’s a riot. I just want to be part of the effort to show support,” Toby Ng, a 27-year-old protestor, told Harbour Times.

    The last protestors arrived at the government headquarters at around 10pm.

    Worries from home and abroad

    The protest reflected Hong Kongers’ deep-rooted fear of China’s different legal system.

    Many worry that political opponents, whether living in the city or just passing by, could be accused of economic crimes by mainland China and face extradition.

    Others say China’s legal system is neither transparent nor fair. Chinese security authorities are believed to use tactics such as arbitrary arrests and forced confessions while depriving suspects of legal protection, which is a right in other civil societies.

    Governments and business groups around the world have expressed their concern. The UK and Canadian governments made a rare joint statement, while the EU issued a formal diplomatic “demarche” protest note.

    But Hong Kong officials argued the law will close a two-decade-old legal loophole, as currently there is no mechanism to extradite people from Hong Kong to mainland China, Macau or Taiwan.

    Beijing has already made clear its intentions. The amended law can enable the extradition of over 3000 fugitives from China who have fled to Hong Kong, according to former Deputy Minister of Public Security Mr Chen Zhimin.

    With a strong will to pass the bill, the Hong Kong government has made concessions to ease concerns. Only extradition requests for suspects who might face seven years in prison, up from three, would be considered by the Hong Kong’s head.

    And to reassure the normally conservative business sector, the government also said earlier it would scrap nine types of commercial crimes that would be covered by extradition after local and foreign chambers of commerce expressed their concerns repeatedly.

    But these efforts may be in vain. More than 500 groups from the legal, cultural, education and religious sectors initiated petitions against the extradition bill, compared to 355 groups who supported it.

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  • Political Risers: Yau Wai-ching, localist rêveries by a Chinese history junkie

    Many localists and separatists, though often criticised for harbouring a bias against China, are in fact Chinese history lovers. Yau Wai-ching of Youngspiration fits the bill.


    One of the pillar concepts in Hong Kong localism is an objection to pan-Chinese patriotism, the idea that all Chinese, defined by ethnicity, should be loyal to China and by extension the ruling regime, now the Chinese Communist Party. Many believe such localist rebellious sentiment is rooted in ignorance, but Yau Wai-ching (游蕙禎) does not seem to dislike China out of blind hatred . As a Lingnan University (LingU) graduate majoring in Chinese, her knowledge in Chinese culture did not draw her closer to China, but rather provoked her to question Chinese rule over Hong Kong. The Chinese history lover decided to turn to localist politics.

    The post-Umbrella generation

    Yau’s first step into social movements was the protest against “patriotic education” in 2012. After the crackdown of the Umbrella Movement, she and several other Umbrella veterans co-founded Youngspiration in hope of bringing innovation to community affairs and promoting localist political ideas.

    Yau stood in the District Council elections 2015 alongside Kwong Po-yin (鄺葆賢) in Whampoa East and West constituencies. Kwong was then a Youngspiration member but quit in mid-June 2016. Their biggest rivals at the time were pro-Beijing heavyweights Priscilla Leung Mei-fun (梁美芬) and Lau Wai-wing (劉偉榮). Kwong triumphed over Lau in the election, but Yau lost to Leung by a margin of 304 votes (2041 vs. 2345 votes).

    Despite the defeat, Yau remained politically active and is now considering running for a Kowloon West seat in the upcoming Legco elections. To put together her election campaign, she has resigned from her clerical assistant job and works full-time at Youngspiration.

    “I never consider other alternatives as that will dampen my enthusiasm,” she explains. “From campaigning on the streets, researching on policies, attending public speaking training, answering media questions, to organising protests, my schedule is packed everyday. I barely have time to eat and sleep.”

    “I think I can win [the election] by investing all my efforts,” she claims with confidence. “Once I have decided to finish a task, no one can stop me.”

    Fantasy of Chinese history and literature

    Prior to her exposure to localism, Yau developed an interest in Chinese history and literature in her childhood. She was also a great fan of martial arts novels back when she was in primary school.

    “I love Jin Yong’s (金庸) martial arts chronicles so much,” she recalls. “I couldn’t stop reading his novels even during lessons and before bedtime.”

    Yau was once an aspiring writer in her teens. “I started writing my Boy’s Love (BL) fiction [also known as yaoi, a Japanese literary genre depicting romantic or sexual relationships between men, typically read and written by women] in my secondary school years,” she states. “I once put Joseph Stalin, Adolf Hitler, and Benito Mussolini into my BL stories.”

    She also tells Harbour Times that she is fond of poetry by Qu Yuan (屈原), an ancient Chinese poet whose tragic suicide is commemorated during the Dragon Boat Festival, as well as Li Jinfa (李金髮), the first modernist poet in contemporary China.

    Her academic background in Chinese literature and history did not make her a sinophile, however. She is very honest about her antipathy towards Chinese identity.

    “I hate the traditional inward-looking narrative of Chinese history which tends to glorify the reunification of Chinese empire,” Yau remarks. “I dislike Liang Qichao (梁啟超) too.” She despises at the late Qing Chinese scholar who invented the idea of a “Chinese nation” (中華民族).

    She also points out that the conventional Chinese history narrative “ignores [China’s] political and economic exchanges with regimes and ethnic groups [surrounding China]”. The myth of homogeneity across the historical lands of China bores her.

    Inspired by Chin Wan

    The localist “philosopher-king” Horace Chin Wan-kan (陳雲根), more popularly known by his pen name Chin Wan, used to teach at the LingU Department of Chinese. Yet, Yau has never been to Chin’s lectures during her years at LingU. “I didn’t take Chin’s media writing classes just because I have used up my credits for electives,” she explains.

    Her first encounter with Chin took place outside of campus, and she was fascinated by his political philosophy. After reading Chin’s trilogy Hong Kong as a City-State, she realised “that’s the way for the future of Hong Kong”.

    Traces of Chin’s influence, as well as the localist classic Hong Kong Nationalism, can be observed in her campaign. Her leaflets read “this election is not merely about head count changes, but will determine the destiny of the Hong Kong nation” (這不是一場普通的換屆選舉。香港民族,還看此役。).

    The latest Chinese identity poll conducted by the University of Hong Kong Public Opinion Programme shows only 8.5% of interviewees aged 18-29 see themselves as Chinese in the broad sense, a record low since 1997. Such antipathy may not neccessarily equate blind hatred for China. For Yau, China is lovable, but only when it is at a distance, perhaps a historical one.